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Positive but also negative effects of ethnic diversity in schools on educational performance? An empirical test using PISA data

Research

Authors: J. Dronkers and Rolf van der Velden

Abstract: We will use the cross-national Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2006 data for native students and students with an immigrant background, in which both cohorts are 15 years old. A greater ethnic diversity of school populations in secondary education hampers the educational performance of students with an immigrant background but does not significantly affect that of native students. The sociocultural diversity of schools
has no effect on educational performance. Click here to read more.

CReAM Discussion Paper No 11/12

Comment

ON THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF EDUCATIONAL VOUCHERS

Research, School Vouchers, Vouchers

Author: Epple, D.N and Romano, R

Abstract: Two significant challenges hamper analyses of collective choice of educational vouchers. One is the multi-dimensional choice set arising from the interdependence of the voucher, public education spending, and taxation. The other is that household preferences between public and private schooling vary with the policy chosen. Even absent a voucher, preferences over public spending are not single-peaked; a middling level of public school spending may be less attractive to a household than either high public school spending or private education coupled with low public spending. We show that Besley and Coate’s (1997) representative democracy provides a viable approach to overcome these hurdles. We provide a complete characterization of equilibrium with an endogenous voucher. Click here to read more.

NBER Working Paper 17986, April 2012

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Does Information Improve School Accountability? Results of a Large Randomized Trial.

Research

Authors: Pandey. P, Goyal, S and Sundararaman, V

The problem of poor quality outcomes is a more general one in various public services across many developing countries. Targeting resources efficiently to communities and getting public workers to perform have remained a challenge for many public services, including education. Weak mechanisms of accountability are a key reason for indifferent service delivery; workers rarely face any censure for their absences or below par performance.

Monitoring by the local community—who have a direct stake in the quantity and quality of public services that are available to them—can play a fundamental role in improving public service delivery. To this end, a number of developing countries, including India, are decentralizing control over local public services to local communities. The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), a nation-wide public scheme initiated in 2001 to universalize elementary quality education in India, aimed to increase accountability of schools to communities‘ through greater involvement of
village education committees and parent-teacher associations. Click here to read more.

The World Bank Discussion Paper Series, December 2011

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School Participation in Rural India

Research

Authors: Drèze, J and Kingdon, G.G

This paper presents and analysis of the determinants of school participation in rural north India, based on a recent household survey which includes detailed information on school characteristics. School participation, especially among girls, responds to a wide range of variables, including parental education and motivation, social background, dependency ratios, work opportunities, village development, teacher postings, teacher regularity and midday meals. The remarkable lead achieved by the state of Himachal Pradesh is fully accounted for by these variables. School quality matters, but it is not related in a simple way to specific inputs. Click here to read more.

The Development Economics Discussion Paper Series, August 1999

Comment

Scheme for Augmenting School Education through Public Private Partnership Report

Public Private Partnerships (PPPs), Research

PPP in school education is essentially an arrangement where the private sector partner participates in the provision of services traditionally provided by the government. It is usually characterized by an agreement between the government and the private sector, with the latter undertaking to deliver an agreed service on the payment of a unitary charge by the government. The need for PPP in school education primarily arises out of the government‟s commitment to provide world-class education to under-privileged children who cannot afford the tuition fee that a private school would normally charge. While access to quality education for the underprivileged is traditionally expected from government schools, they alone may not be able to fulfil this enormous task. The justification for PPP schools arises primarily from the need to accelerate the expansion of education, supplement investment and enable different models for improving the quality of education. Click here to read more.

The Report of the Sub-group is submitted for consideration of the Ministry of HRD, 25 May 2010

Comment

Estimating Wealth Effects Without Expenditure Data—Or Tears: An Application To Educational Enrollments In States Of India

Research

Authors: Filmer, D and Pritchett, L

Abstract
Using data from India, we estimate the relationship between household wealth and children’s school enrollment. We proxy wealth by constructing a linear index from asset ownership indicators, using principal-components analysis to derive weights. In Indian data this index is robust to the assets included, and produces internally coherent results. State-level results correspond well to independent data on per capita output and poverty. To validate the method and to show that the asset index predicts enrollments as accurately as expenditures, or more so, we use data sets from Indonesia, Pakistan, and Nepal that contain information on both expenditures and assets. The results show large, variable wealth gaps in children’s enrollment across Indian states. On average a “rich” child is 31 percentage points more likely to be enrolled than a “poor” child, but this gap varies from only 4.6 percentage points in Kerala to 38.2 in Uttar Pradesh and 42.6 in Bihar. Click here to read more.

DEMOGRAPHY, Volume 38, Number 1, 115-132

Comment

Public and private partnership in primary education in India: A study of unrecognised schools in Haryana

Public Private Partnerships (PPPs), Research

Author: Aggarwal, Y

The recent evidence from NSSO and other studies demonstrates that a large proportion of children are attending private unrecognised primary schools. This proportion is highest in Haryana (18.7%) and is followed by Punjab (15.5%), Uttar Pradesh (10%) and Bihar (9.2%). The all India average share of children enrolled in unrecognised schools at primary stage was 4.8% as compared to 2.6% for upper primary classes. The rural urban differentials were striking in almost all the states. At the national level, some decline in Class I enrolment was observed in the last 3-5 years. This could be due to the shift of children from formal to non- formal or to other modes of education including unrecognised schools. It is paradoxical that the states with high proportion of children attending unrecognised schools are from both the economically advanced regions of Punjab and Haryana as well as from the economically poor regions of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Some states like Maharashtra have exercised strict controls on the functioning of unrecognized institutions. Click here to read more.

National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration New Delhi, March 2000

Comment

Study Time and Scholarly Achievement in PISA

Research

Authors: Kuehn, Z and Landeras, P

Abstract: We take a dierent look at the PISA 2006 data set considering time input as the main ingredient for scholarly achievement. Across countries, absolute time spent studying is negatively related to scholarly achievement, while a larger fraction of total study time spent in the classroom is associated to better performance. When considering different groups of students, this positive relationship between time input and scholarly achievement breaks down. We find that compensating for less class time or lower socio-economic background by individual study time, is enormously time-costly or even impossible for students in Spain, as well as for students in the three best and the three worst performing OECD countries. Click here to read more.

Fedia, February 2012

Comment

Universal Preschool Is No Golden Ticket: Why Government Should Not Enter the Preschool Business

Research

Author: Darcy Ann Olsen

Across the country legislators are deciding whether to require public school districts to provide no-fee prekindergarten classes for all three- and four-year-olds. Georgia and New York have implemented universal preschool programs for four-year-olds, and other states have taken steps in that direction. Those programs are voluntary so far, but there have been calls for mandatory participation. Most advocates of public preschool argue that early schooling of low-income children is an investment that pays off in the long term by reducing the number of children who will perform poorly in school, become teenage parents, commit criminal acts, or depend on welfare. Other advocates of public preschool see it as a way to subsidize child care. Experience provides little reason to believe universal preschool would significantly benefit children, regardless of family income. For nearly 40 years, local, state, and federal governments and diverse private sources have funded early intervention programs for low-income children, and benefits to the children have been few and fleeting. There is also evidence that middle-class children gain little, if anything, from preschool. Benefits to children in public preschools are unlikely to be greater or more enduring. Public preschool for younger children is irresponsible, given the failure of the public school system to educate the children currently enrolled. The desire to “do something” for young children should be tempered by the facts, and proposals for universal preschool should be rejected. Click here to read more.

Cato Institute, Policy Analysis Number 333, 09 February 1999

Comment

Where Has All the Education Gone?

Research

Author: Lant Pritchett

Cross‐national data show no association between increases in human capital attributable to the rising educational attainment of the labor force and the rate of growth of output per worker. This implies that the association of educational capital growth with conventional measures of total factor production is large, strongly statistically significant, and negative. These are “on average” results, derived from imposing a constant coefficient. However, the development impact of education varied widely across countries and has fallen short of expectations for three possible reasons. First, the institutional/governance environment could have been sufficiently perverse that the accumulation of educational capital lowered economic growth. Second, marginal returns to education could have fallen rapidly as the supply of educated labor expanded while demand remained stagnant. Third, educational quality could have been so low that years of schooling created no human capital. The extent and mix of these three phenomena vary from country to country in explaining the actual economic impact of education, or the lack thereof. Click here to read more.

The World Bank Economic Review, Volume 15 Issue 3

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